Calvinist doctrines

This was the huge expansion of commerce centered in the great port cities, especially New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Baltimore. Much of the rapid growth of these cities resulted from labor market School as a Public Institution Chapter 3 55 demands as dockworkers, warehouse workers, team- sters, and a variety of clerks were needed by the ex- panding mercantile establishments.10 The educational needs of clerks in particular exceeded the mere literacy demanded by New England Calvinists for religious reading. To a large degree these needs were met by acad- emies, or private schools, and expanded public school- ing in the urban areas. The growth of commerce also resulted in the amassing of large fortunes by some mer- chants and, at the other end of the economic scale, pov- erty for some workers, especially during slack seasons. Indeed, contemporary commentators noted with alarm the development of extremes of wealth and poverty. The most complex and revolutionary economic change was the advent of industrialization. Initially subtle and almost unnoticed, industrial development did not begin in the cities but in the countryside as small-scale cottage industry in textiles and shoemaking. Generally, farmers and their wives practiced these crafts during slack times to supplement their farm livelihood. As demand for these products increased, the cottage in- dustries underwent an evolution. Independent artisans producing and selling their goods directly to the public gradually lost their marketing freedom to enterprising merchants who not only organized the distribution of the finished good but also attempted to organize pro- duction through a “putting-out” system, which placed the raw materials with the home artisans. The artisans, however, continued to control the production process; that is, they set the time, the place, the pace, and the quality of work, thus controlling the most important conditions of their own labor. The merchants had an economic stake in the productive process not only be- cause they needed the finished products to satisfy their markets but also because they had financed the raw ma- terials. When the cottage artisans neglected shoemaking for financially more attractive pursuits, such as fishing and hunting, or were careless about the quality of their work, the merchants became convinced that the sys- tem of putting-out was inefficient and unsatisfactory. Eventually the production process was organized by manufacturers who concentrated production in a cen- tral location. Thus, we see the beginning of factories in New England. This development is described by Paul Faler, who notes that the central factor in the evolution of indus- try was the need to control the quality and quantity of production.11 Integral to this control was the develop- ment of a set of values, or an industrial morality, in the producers. Historians E. P. Thompson and Herbert G. Gutman explained how the development of an industrial morality was in reality the displacement of a traditional culture with a modern culture.12 In a preindustrial culture, values revolve around family, community, festivals, and seasons. Work, family life, and leisure are all integrated, and the transition from childhood to youth and, subsequently, to adulthood is blurred. In marked contrast, industrial morality or modern cultural commitments reflect a strict adherence to clock time and punctuality; continuous exclusive la- bor for a set number of hours in a setting sharply sepa- rated from family or leisure; enforced respect for rules, law, and authority; and a clear demarcation between childhood, youth, and adulthood